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Context of 'December 2003-May 2004: Oil Lobby Group Refers to Its Iraq Project as a Potential ‘Beachhead’ for ‘Expansion in the Middle East’'

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Within months of the invasion of Iraq, the International Tax and Investment Centre, a Washington-based lobby group for the oil industry, solicits financial contributions from oil companies, including BP and Shell, for a special “Iraq project.” [Observer, 3/4/2007]

Entity Tags: International Tax and Investment Centre

Timeline Tags: Iraq under US Occupation

The International Tax & Investment Centre (ITIC), a corporate lobby group that advocates for pro-business investment and tax reform, has a series of board of directors’ and sponsors’ meetings on the theme “Strategic Questions For Our Future.” A paper summarizing the views expressed during those meetings says that the ITIC’s work in Iraq “should be continued and considered as a ‘beachhead’ for possible further expansion in the Middle East.” Included in the group’s board of directors are representatives from Shell, BP, ConocoPhillips, ExxonMobil, and ChevronTexaco. [International Tax & Investment Centre, n.d. pdf file; Muttitt, 2005]

Entity Tags: International Tax and Investment Centre, Royal Dutch/Shell, Chevron, British Petroleum, ConocoPhillips, ExxonMobil

Timeline Tags: Iraq under US Occupation

The International Tax & Investment Centre (ITIC), a corporate lobby group that advocates for pro-business investment and tax reform, issues a major report titled Petroleum and Iraq’s Future: Fiscal Options and Challenges, expressing the view that Iraq’s relationships with oil companies should be managed through the use of production sharing agreements (PSAs). The paper calls PSAs the “simplest and most attractive regulatory… framework.” It says this view is supported by “international experience and regional preferences,” though critics of PSAs will note that PSAs are not in fact popular among the major oil producing countries of the Middle East. “It is difficult to overstate how radical a departure PSAs would be from normal practice, both in Iraq and in other comparable countries of the region,” says Greg Muttitt of PLATFORM, a British oil industry watchdog group. “Iraq’s oil industry has been in public hands since 1972; prior to that the rights to develop oil in 99.5 percent of the country had also been publicly held since 1961. In Iraq’s neighbors Kuwait, Iran, and Saudi Arabia, foreign control over oil development is ruled out by constitution or by national law. These countries together with Iraq are the world’s top four countries in terms of oil reserves, with 51 percent of the world total between them.” The ITIC report also argues that foreign investment in Iraq’s oil sector will help “kick start” Iraq’s economy and free up funds for other programs. [Muttitt, 2005]

Entity Tags: International Tax and Investment Centre

Timeline Tags: Iraq under US Occupation

A White House document shows that oil company executives lied in recent Senate hearings when they denied meeting with Vice President Cheney’s energy task force (the National Energy Policy Development Group—see May 16, 2001) in 2001. The document, obtained by the Washington Post, shows that officials from ExxonMobil, Conoco (before it merged with Phillips), Shell Oil, and British Petroleum met with the task force (see March 22, 2001). Last week, the CEOs of ExxonMobil, Chevron, and ConocoPhillips denied participating in the task force’s deliberations. Shell Oil’s CEO said his company did not participate “to my knowledge,” and the chief of BP America said he did not know. Though Chevron is not named in the White House document, that firm and others “gave detailed energy policy recommendations” to the task force, according to the Government Accountability Office. Cheney also met separately with John Browne, BP’s chief executive, in a meeting not included in the document. Environmentalists have long stated that they were almost entirely shut out of the deliberations, while corporate interests were heavily represented (see April 4, 2001). The Supreme Court ruled in 2004 that the government could keep the records of the task force secret (see June 24, 2004). Senator Frank Lautenberg (D-NJ) says, “The White House went to great lengths to keep these meetings secret, and now oil executives may be lying to Congress about their role in the Cheney task force.” Since the oil executives were not under oath—a decision by Senate Commerce Committee chairman Ted Stevens (R-AK) protested by committee Democrats—they cannot be charged with perjury. However, they can be fined or imprisoned for up to five years for making “any materially false, fictitious or fraudulent statement or representation” to Congress. After the Washington Post releases the document, former Conoco manager Alan Huffman confirms, “We met [with the task force] in the Executive Office Building, if I remember correctly.” A ConocoPhillips spokesman says that CEO James Mulva had been unaware of the meetings when he testified at the hearing. ExxonMobil says it stands by CEO Lee Raymond’s denials; James Rouse, an Exxon official named in the document (see Mid-February, 2001), denies meeting with the task force, calling the document “inaccurate.” [Washington Post, 11/16/2005]

Entity Tags: Frank R. Lautenberg, Ted Stevens, Chevron, British Petroleum, Alan Huffman, ExxonMobil, Royal Dutch/Shell, US Supreme Court, National Energy Policy Development Group, Government Accountability Office, James Mulva, ConocoPhillips, John Browne, Lee Raymond, Richard (“Dick”) Cheney, James Rouse

Timeline Tags: US Environmental Record

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