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Context of 'October 12, 2004: Break-in Occurs at Democratic Headquarters in Ohio'

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FBI agents are now convinced that the Watergate break-in (see 2:30 a.m.June 17, 1972) is one example of actions conducted by a massive campaign of political espionage and sabotage conducted on behalf of the Nixon re-election effort, the Washington Post reports. [Gerald R. Ford Library and Museum, 7/3/2007] The efforts, ongoing since at least 1971, were directed at all of the major Democratic presidential contenders, and represent a fundamental strategy of the Nixon re-election effort. The entire conspiracy is, according to FBI and Justice Department information, directed by officials in the Nixon administration and in the Committee to Re-elect the President (CREEP). Hundreds of thousands of dollars have been set aside to pay for what reporters Carl Bernstein and Bob Woodward call “an extensive undercover campaign aimed at discrediting individual Democratic presidential candidates and disrupting their campaigns.” Some of the operations include:
bullet Following members of Democratic candidates’ families and assembling files on their personal lives (former Democratic presidential candidate Edmund Muskie tells reporter Carl Bernstein that his children were followed and that inquiries about them had been made at their school, but cannot be sure that it was Nixon campaign agents doing the surveillance; Bernstein will report this and other Muskie campaign allegations on October 12).
bullet Forging letters and distributing them under the candidates’ letterheads.
bullet Leaking false and fabricated items to the press (Bernstein’s October 12 story includes an item about false allegations of sexual misconduct against Democrats Hubert Humphrey and Henry Jackson).
bullet Sabotaging Democrats’ campaign schedules with planned disruptions (see June 27, 1971, and Beyond).
bullet Stealing confidential campaign files.
bullet Investigating the lives of dozens of Democratic campaign workers.
bullet Planting “provocateurs” in organizations expected to demonstrate at the Democratic and Republican national conventions.
bullet Investigating potential donors to the Nixon campaign before approaching them for money.
A CREEP spokesman calls the allegations “not only fiction but a collection of absurdities,” and notes that “the entire matter is in the hands of the authorities.” Perhaps the best-known example of CREEP political sabotage is the so-called “Canuck letter” (see (February 24-25, 1972). The letter was apparently written by White House official Ken Clawson, who denies writing the letter (see October 10, 1972). [Washington Post, 10/10/1972] Washington Post reporter Bob Woodward, who co-writes the story, uses information from his “Deep Throat” FBI source (see October 9, 1972) to pen what he later recalls as a much more “aggressive, interpretive” story than he and colleague Carl Bernstein have ever written before. White House press secretary Ron Ziegler refuses to answer questions about the story 29 separate times in a press conference held just after the story is published. Woodward later writes that he is astonished the FBI never responded to the story, even though information sourced from the bureau is heavily cited throughout the story. Woodward later learns that the FBI had repeatedly declined to investigate Segretti. [Bernstein and Woodward, 1974, pp. 149-150; Woodward, 2005, pp. 75-81]

Entity Tags: Carl Bernstein, Committee to Re-elect the President, Edmund Muskie, Henry (“Scoop”) Jackson, Hubert H. Humphrey, Federal Bureau of Investigation, W. Mark Felt, Bob Woodward, Ken Clawson, Ron Ziegler, Richard M. Nixon

Timeline Tags: Nixon and Watergate

Thieves break into Lucas County Democratic headquarters in Toledo, Ohio, and remove computers that contain sensitive campaign information like candidates’ schedules; financial information; phone numbers of party members, candidates, donors, and volunteers; and emails from the party’s office manager discussing campaign strategy. Computers belonging to Lucas County Commissioner Tina Skeldon Wozniak and to a Texas attorney—who has been working with the Kerry/Edwards presidential campaign to ensure election security—are also stolen. Commenting on the impact of the break-in, party spokesman Jerry Chabler tells the Toledo Blade: “This puts us behind the eight ball. This can affect our entire get-out-the-vote operation.” Chabler also tells the newspaper that it was apparent the burglars “knew what they wanted.” The burglars left two other computers containing less sensitive information and ignored other items that would have likely been taken if the burglary had been driven my monetary interest. Ohio Democratic spokesperson Dan Trevas says that the political importance of Lucas County cannot be overstated. “It’s a major Democratic county in a swing area, surrounded by Republican and moderates,” he explains. “A lot of votes come out of northwest Ohio.” For some reason the building’s alarm system did not detect the break-in. [Toledo Blade, 10/13/2004]

Timeline Tags: 2004 Elections

In several Ohio counties, Democratic candidate for State Supreme Court C. Ellen Connally receives more votes than Democratic presidential candidate John Kerry (Auglaize County, Connally - 7,312, Kerry - 5,729; Brown County, Connally - 7,407, Kerry - 7,058; Clermont County, Connally - 29,464, Kerry - 25,318; Dark County, Connally - 8,817, Kerry - 6,683; Highland County, Connally - 6,119, Kerry - 6,012; Mercer County, Connally - 6,607, Kerry - 4,924; Butler County, Connally - 59,532, Kerry - 54,185; Miami County, Connally - 17,206, Kerry - 17,039). As the US House Judiciary Democrats note in a December 2 letter to Ohio Secretary of State Kenneth Blackwell, these results “run counter to the established principle that downballot party candidates receive far less votes than the presidential candidate of the same party.” The totals also deviate significantly from the statewide trend in Ohio, where Kerry receives 48.5 percent of the vote and Connally receives 46.6 percent. Even more striking about the figures is that fact that Connally’s campaign was not very well funded. The same letter, referring to the results of Butler County, comments: “[I]t appears to be wildly implausible that 5,000 voters waited in line to case a vote for an underfunded Democratic Supreme Court candidate and then declined to cast a vote for the most well-funded Democratic Presidential campaign in history.” In addition to the bizarre voter numbers of the Connally and Kerry campaigns in Butler County, the results of the Republican side of those races are also hard to explain. The winning Republican candidate for the State Supreme Court receives 40,000 less votes than presidential candidate George Bush. [Conyers et al., 12/2/2004 pdf file]

Timeline Tags: 2004 Elections

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